“One advantage that the current Foreign Ministry has is a substantial credit of trust from the international community. Have Ukrainian diplomats managed during these 100 days to capitalize on the opportunities afforded by the Orange Revolution? Were there more achievements or miscalculations in the foreign policy arena during this period?”
“I’m pleased to say that this period has seen a number of far-reaching foreign policy events. One important thing was that we managed to restore normal political dialogue at the highest level between the presidents of Ukraine and the US. During this period we have seen a willingness to give a fresh impulse to Ukraine’s European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The signing of the Ukraine-EU Action Plan, the beginning of the Intensified Dialogue between Ukraine and NATO, and the Ukrainian president’s speeches at the PACE session and the Ukraine-NATO Commission meeting are proof of the dynamic nature of Ukraine’s foreign policy. Naturally, these are achievements that benefit our country. I’m not inclined to overly criticize the government, but I would like to comment on some of its methods. Above all, it is important to avoid unnecessary rhetoric when it comes to Ukraine’s European integration, improving bilateral relations, and resolving problems in relations with other countries. In this context I also think it advisable to refrain from making rash statements that are unsupported by experience or logic underpinning future actions. In building relations with our neighbors we must also factor in Ukraine’s geopolitical positioning as well as historical facts that determine the relations among individual European nations and which might stand in the way of Ukraine’s European integration if overlooked.”
“Speaking of neighbors: tensions in Russian-Ukrainian relations have clearly increased over such problems as the presence of the Russian Black Sea Fleet on Ukrainian territory, the Ukrainian prime minister’s aborted visit to Moscow, the Kremlin’s resentment over Ukraine’s EU and NATO aspirations, etc. What is the cause of the current problems in the Russian-Ukrainian relationship, and what are the ways to overcome them?”
“Smoothing Russian-Ukrainian relations has always been a challenge. The new Ukrainian leadership understands this very well, which is why it is no accident that the president paid his first official visit to Russia. Shortly after that Ukraine welcomed President Vladimir Putin. The prime minister’s visit didn’t happen. I will not comment or try to determine the reasons why this visit was postponed.”
“It appears the reasons are obvious.”
“I think this visit will take place anyway. The dust will settle and everything will fall into place. It’s an open secret that there are problems that, unfortunately, remain unresolved. We can say that a dynamic stability is being maintained in our relations, which, of course, does not rule out disputes and differences. We must answer a different question: how do we tackle these problems and keep the public informed about efforts to develop Russian- Ukrainian relations? We are hearing rather unnecessary rhetoric that causes distortions in the climate of our relations, engendering distrust and anxiety. We must take care not to talk to the point of destroying all the good things in our relations as strategic partners and neighbors. Most importantly, defining and evaluating these relations are tasks best left to those in a position to do this. Many problems still have to be resolved. This should be done in an atmosphere of goodwill and trust, which will enable us to find appropriate solutions without upsetting the public or the international community.”
“Will Russia ever come to terms with Ukraine’s intentions to join the EU and NATO?”
“We need to conduct a wise dialogue with Russia. Increasing tensions in our relations will lead to a corresponding response from Moscow’s partners, who, of course, can create obstacles for Ukraine’s progress toward the EU and NATO. Russia is looking for approaches to democratic institutions, and it has already found a certain modus vivendi with NATO. Ukraine is an independent nation entitled to its own independent foreign policy. I think the international community understands us. Moreover, if we focus our efforts not just on officials and the political community but on the public as well, trying to demonstrate the long-term benefits of such a policy, I think that we will win support not only in the post- Soviet space but also among the citizens of Europe.”
“Another painful issue in Russian-Ukrainian relations is the Single Economic Space (SES). It was created during your ministerial tenure, but perhaps without your participation.”
“Yes, without my participation.”
“Do you consider it a viable project, given the different approaches to its implementation in Moscow and Kyiv?”
“Ukraine is bringing its foreign and domestic policies in line with European integration processes. This cannot be disputed. As far as the Single Economic Space is concerned, Ukraine must analyze everything that has been accomplished to date and determine whether it runs counter to its Constitution and laws. If everything is in order and if we can use the SES to bolster the nation’s economy, then this can make Ukraine stronger economically; this in turn will speed European integration processes. I broached this matter in the past, which eventually led to my dismissal. I’m convinced that Ukraine must integrate into the SES to the extent that it reflects our national interests and European aspirations. There are some things that we cannot accept. We cannot tolerate the creation of a supranational body. We cannot tolerate the creation of a customs union or the introduction of a single currency. I think it would be hard for us to put up with all of this, which is why I fully support those who are demanding a review of the documents drafted by the High Level Taskforce to create the SES. We must proceed from the fact that the goal of our participation in the SES should be an effective free-trade zone without exemptions or restrictions.”
