What prompted me to write this article was Kiril Sergeev’s recent letter “This is the party I want” published online. In his writing I found, once again, the ideas that echo mine-a strong state with high standards and a desire to see a truly Ukraine-oriented party that finally emerges on our political arena.
I embarked on an independent life path 17 years ago as a university law student, at the time when Ukraine proclaimed its national independence. I matured as a citizen and politician concurrently with the development of the Ukrainian state. I wholeheartedly rejoiced over my country’s achievements and was worried about its problems. I have always done my best for our country and will continue to do so. However, one cannot accomplish much single-handedly.
I know that I am not alone on this path and that there are millions of my fellow Ukrainians walking abreast-the young generation alongside people of my parents’ age who remember our history and are concerned about our future, as well as those who, like my children, will soon begin their independent life.
My goal and desire is that all Ukrainians, regardless of age, sex, generation, or religious affiliation, have confidence in the future, which depends on us and our choices, including our choice of political leadership.
Our country is badly in need of changes-cardinal changes, not the usual kind of makeover we have lived by for the past 17 years. We have a solid historical foundation and now must build strong walls of the Ukrainian state.
Ukraine has come to a crossroads; due to its inner weakness and discord, it is unable to meet the challenges of today. No one has final answers to them — neither our political circles, nor society, nor I personally. Therefore, I would like to share my thoughts with you and invite you to participate in this discussion and an action plan to overcome the 17 top-priority challenges Ukraine has accumulated in the 17 years of its independence.
Protection of democracy is the number one challenge. Ukraine’s democracy is under threat today. It must not be personified and its level should not depend on the top officials’ interpretation of this fundamental value.
Ukraine’s entire experience as a state and recent European history have led me to the conviction that Ukraine must be a parliamentary-presidential republic. Our state must not have a tsar or tsarina. Ukrainian society does not accept this.
It is necessary to end the “Ukrainian tradition” of amending the Constitution to fit a particular situation or person. In some of the draft constitutions currently considered by our politicians the only thing that remains to be added are the last names of the president, premier, and Verkhovna Rada speaker. Can this really be the “highest” form of Ukrainian democracy?
I have always followed the principle “Power is a yoke and not a way to realize personal self-love.” Wielding power means assuming political responsibility before people. The foremost requirement for a politician is to prove that they can be trusted.
Today’s economic crisis is a test for the politicians who have had the mandate of trust to rule this country for the past 17 years — and who have “helped” trigger this crisis. The result is obvious.
It would be unfair to dissociate myself from the situation. I have something to report for each day I spent as Minister of Economy, head of the National Bank, first deputy head of the Odesa Regional State Administration, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. In these offices I did everything I could and everywhere I could. Unfortunately, I was alone in my efforts, and what prevailed was the rule that the majority overcomes the qualitatively different minority.
Let me be frank: the economic tsunami is ruthless and our country’s system of power was not prepared to meet it; instead it often added fuel to the fire. The absence of a domestic market, dependence on the foreign sector, political and social extravagances designed to please certain politicians at the expense of the State Budget, overspending, and outright economic lies — these are the roots of the economic crisis in Ukraine. However, even this can be overcome.
Regrettably, in addition to the purely economic dimension, the ongoing crisis has the human dimension that can turn into a sociopolitical, cultural, and spiritual crisis in its own right.
The economic crisis is another obstacle on the road to the developed Ukrainian state. There are many hurdles of this kind ahead. However, the important thing is whether we know the direction in which we heading. I am now thinking about the national idea. It hurts me to say that each top politician has their own idea that they present as the national idea.
In actuality, the national idea boils down to preserving the national language and culture, comprehending the past, considering the present, and more. In my understanding, the national idea means a strong state and conscious citizens who take pride in having a Ukrainian passport. It also means families that earn enough to live on and children who have sufficient provision to pursue their studies and who know in what area they will find employment. This is our future.
The national idea has to rely on the national capital. This capital has been accumulated over the years since Ukraine regained independence, albeit in varying ways.
We must preserve our national capital-not the oligarchs but the Ukrainian assets that have an impact on our economy and provide hundreds of thousands of jobs. This capital must be given equal treatment, and none should be allowed to predominate or monopolize the country. The situation in the state cannot depend on whether a certain person has had a good or a bad night and the thoughts with which their wake up. This also applies to foreign capital.
Land is one of the main national assets. For a long time now land has been a sociopolitical category rather than just a purely economic one. Land is something Ukraine and Ukrainians still possess. We cannot repeat the mistakes we made during the privatization epoch. I support the idea of lifting the moratorium on land, but I do so with four clearly defined provisos set forth below.
Each land plot must be purpose-specific and it should be expropriated in case of misuse; Ukrainian lands may be owned by residents of Ukraine only; there must be a government-run land market operator so that land could be purchased from and sold to no other entity but the state. Last but not least, there must be restrictions on how much land an individual can own directly or indirectly, which is a necessary measure to avoid the emergence of land tycoons.
Land is the world’s only non-renewable resource. Preserving this capitalis another challenge for Ukraine.
Tender fostering and strict regulating are the rules of handling capital that help it grow and multiply to benefit the country rather than itself.
The national idea and the national capital are our future; they are indispensable for the development of a political nation. A conscious political nation alone can see Ukraine as a strong state rather than a mere territory. A political nation is capable of choosing its leadership (rather than the other way around), replacing it, and building a powerful state oriented toward the individual, regardless of ethnic origin, language, or creed. This individual’s worldview must reflect the interests of the entire society rather than a narrow stratum. A political nation is a rule-of-law state and civil society, something we have not started building in the 17 years of Ukraine’s independence.
I believe one of the reasons here is the absence of the National Plan for Changes. It is true that changes cannot happen overnight or occur even within a year. Moreover, these changes cannot be effected by one person. It must be acknowledged that we are still living in the post-Soviet system of economic, political, social, and mental concepts. The challenges facing our state and each one of us tell us that changes have to be all-encompassing.
Changes are frightening because they hurt and entail a degree of uncertainty. However, if we set a goal for the future and map out a clear plan for these changes, they will be effective. Plans have always been drawn up by politicians, but I would like to produce our National Plan for Changes together with you- and then jointly implement it.
Here lies another challenge: Who will be the implementers? There are hundreds of thousands of worthy individuals who have made a name for themselves in art, business, journalism, culture, and other areas. Nevertheless, they fail in their efforts to change things for the better beyond their respective fields of endeavor. They have a desire to change their business, community, and country, but they have no opportunities to do so. Therefore, replacing the political elite is more relevant for our country today than ever before.
The succession of generations must be a fundamental principle in Ukrainian politics. This does not merely mean bringing young blood to power-it means bringing the best people, those have new ideas, approaches, and mindset. It is about bringing a true team of conscious citizens, Ukrainians by calling rather than purely by ethnic origin.
Our political elite must be replaced through the emergence of new political forces that will not be clubs of followers rallied around their charismatic leaders. In the conditions of real inside democracy and competition, they will need to prove their importance and ability to make changes and lead people.
True new parties, rather than new political projects, are a way to replace the elite.
At present the basic elements of Ukrainian politics are conspiracies, double-dealing, and treachery. Even in war not everything is fair, but our politics is driven by cynicism and lies. They are like a malignant tumor that grows with each passing year, infecting our society. There are simple recipes against this disease:
— change the system of elections by introducing open slates for parliamentary elections
— change parliamentary immunity
— make MPs accountable to their electorate.
However, the powers that be will not do this. Therefore, the only permanent cure for this disease is to replace the political elite.
The unbalanced nature of the Ukrainian political system is another important challenge. A hangover from Soviet times, this system is archaic. I am not saying that it is bad — it fulfilled its function in the transition period. The personnel based on the Communist Party and Komsomol cadre worked more or less effectively. Now Ukraine is faced with another challenge: there are no effective managers.
The central and regional government structure and its constituent administrative principles have to be totally replaced and made to conform to the new challenges and tasks. Our government must be geared toward a specific goal and the power structure should be one of the facilitating elements. Importantly, on all rungs of the government ladder we need to have new, professionally trained officials with a new vision and superior approaches. All the political forces that took turns at the top of the political Olympus did not even begin to think about creating a reserve of professional government officials, while they did destroy what was there.
An urgent issue of today is forming the mid-level pool of government officials that will remain in place regardless of the ruling party or political events. Many are eager, but few are capable. However, practice makes perfect.
Ukraine needs an adequate system of education. Regrettably, not one Ukrainian university has made it to international ratings lists. Some 20 percent of college graduates cannot find a job for which they have been trained. Our nation has no Nobel Prize winners. The answers to these qualitative and quantitative indices are as follows. We must revive our national system of education by enhancing the professionalism of the faculty and students; change the way higher education institutions are financed and accredited; make majors, including vocational training, conform to the realities of Ukraine’s economy; shape personalities in the secondary school. We must carefully consider the challenge of the Bologna process and implement it in a thoughtful (rather than thoughtless) way, adapting it to Ukrainian realities.
It is my conviction that family, education, and religion are the three fundamental principles in shaping individuals. Religion is a person’s spiritual world into which no outsider has the right to intrude. Love your neighbor and respect their denomination. Any political pressure on the church or attempts to politicize it are unacceptable.
Just like religion, language has become a subject of political speculation in our country. Amendments to the Constitution will not solve this problem. The state must ensure conditions allowing Ukrainians to freely learn and use English, Russian, German, Polish, French, and other languages they consider to be their mother tongues or ones they would like to master.
The physical health of Ukrainians is yet another challenge. The existing tendencies are horrifying: the nation is aging and losing its physical and spiritual strength. Its best representatives are emigrating, and the current healthcare system is such that the more you invest in it, the more will be embezzled.
Ukraine needs to make systemic changes in its healthcare system through new standards, treatment protocols, and health insurance. Preventive medicine must be the motive force in preserving our nation.
A similar situation is in the cultural realm. Ukraine is a multicultural nation, and predominant Ukrainian culture has to be filled with contemporary art and enriched through interaction with other cultures.
A starving family will not enjoy classical music or modern literature, thinking, rather, about how to make ends meet, especially in the conditions of the current global economic crisis.
As former head of the National Bank of Ukraine who succeeded in overcoming the financial crisis of 2004, I have submitted a series of anti-crisis proposals to the government and parliament. I am pleased to know that some of them have been incorporated into the anti-crisis programs, yet there is no effective, systemic anti-crisis action plan.
Until now I spoke our current domestic problems, but Ukraine is also part of the global world. Here lies another challenge. Like most Ukrainians, I support European integration, European choice, and European values. However, I have to shift the emphasis and offer the Ukrainian rather than European choice.
I am for the Ukrainian choice of values and national interest as it pertains to both the state and each citizen in particular. We need to frankly acknowledge the fact that the road to the European Union is long and winding, but we must be interested in each other in this journey. Ukraine should not plead; rather, it should be invited. We will not win international recognition without making changes inside the country.
Ukraine’s foreign policy is fraught with difficulties, but there is one fundamental problem-relations with the Russian Federation.
Ukraine must rise to an absolutely new level of relations with the new US administration.
Ukraine’s presence abroad must be everywhere where there is economic and political interest; we must cooperate with everyone, except those who support terrorism and proliferate nuclear weapons.
What I have said above is not an exhaustive list and is far from perfection. I will appreciate both support and criticism. If and when we join our efforts, we will find new challenges and new ways to meet them. After my trips to the regions and talking to people, I am aware of the need for a new format. Therefore, Arsenii Yatseniuk is launching the Front of Change. This initiative is not yet a party, but a party will emerge. It will be built in the bottom-up fashion and will not have political stockholders and the Chief.
I would like to thank every person who has asked me to launch this movement. There are already initiative groups in many oblasts, and I will press ahead. I will keep going from city to city and from home to home, seeking like-minded people. The challenges I have described must unite and mobilize us.
For more information on the Front of Change (Front zmin) please contact:
Hotline: (044) 461-01-17
Website: www.frontzmin. org
Email: [email protected]
Postal address: Arsenii Yatseniuk’s Initiative “Front Zmin”, 4v Verkhnii Val St., Kyiv 04071
