The Institute of Executive Staff Development recently held a mini-conference, initiated by its director Ivan Rozputenko, which was attended by the institute’s associates (mostly archivists) and Larysa Ivshyna, the editor of Den/The Day. The theme of the conference, “The Role of the Print Media in Creating the Civic Institutions of National Memory,” allowed the audience to focus on Den/The Day’s experience in promoting historical knowledge. Right after the conference began, the number of participants noticeably increased with the arrival of a group of students from Taras Shevchenko National University’s Institute of Journalism, which shares its premises with the Institute of Executive Staff Development. Many of these students had already met Ms. Ivshyna on past occasions. The students’ presence made it possible to compare the attitudes of different age groups to The Day ’s history projects. A large part of the conference was devoted to the traditional format of questions and answers.
Larysa IVSHYNA:
“There is quite a wide range of media outlets today, but in spite of this I do not think there are many newspapers like ours. At the same time, this country needs to understand so many things, because after the collapse of the Soviet Union there are still a lot of people who are trapped in the post-Soviet system of coordinates. Nothing has changed in them except for emotions, which usually boil down to claiming that things were not so bad in a relatively liberal period of the Soviet Union. In an effort to remedy this situation, the media are applying rather crude efforts.
“This work has livened up lately, but in fact it has nothing to do with frequent references to freedom of speech. Freedom of speech is by no means the only thing that should be discussed in connection with the media.
“The ongoing changes in this country require very serious analysis and public debate. It seems to me that despite the large number of speeches aired on television and radio, there is still a shortage of meaningful debates. Sometimes in order to understand what is going on in our country, it is worthwhile recalling events that many people consider the distant past but which had a dramatic impact on the life of an entire generation (for example, the 20 th congress of the CPSU).
“Do you remember the Soviet- era principles of teaching history? It usually boiled down to mentioning that in a certain year a certain battle was fought, a certain person was born or died. After learning this kind of history, a person does not have any sound humanitarian foundation.
“This was one of the reasons why we launched the newspaper column ‘Ukraina Incognita’ and the history book projects that tell readers who the Ukrainians are, how our identity was formed, and what happened to us during the last century and the one before it.
“In my view, history is no less important than politics; perhaps it is even more important. I have hundreds of questions sent to me by visitors to the well-known Russian Web site www.inosmi.ru , which led me to organize a conference with its readers (you can find the complete answers on Den’s site www.day.kiev.ua. I spent a lot of time answering these questions. I think a national Ukrainian team should be formed to answer all the questions that Russians ask.
For example, here is the first question, from Sergei: ‘Hello! I am an ethnic Ukrainian (born in Donetsk) but a Russian by mentality. In 1997 I moved to Russia for permanent residence. Only here did I understand all the abnormality of the so-called independent Ukraine. Ukraine cannot be independent by definition, for the stronger and more powerful international entities always tend to absorb the smaller ones. This is a historical dogma. Do you think it is necessary to revise the Constitution of Ukraine and enshrine in it the further vector of development and thus cancel these ‘double standards?’ In neither direction — whether Russia or the EU — can Ukraine be independent.’
“This is the first of the 242 questions of which 10 to 20 at most were more or less meaningful. The rest, concerning Ukrainian history, language, present-day realities, our elections, and other aspects, are practically in the same vein. Well, the easiest thing would be to say something similar in reply, but I think this is the first attempt of such an ‘inter-galactic’ encounter. One could say that they are all stuck in the mud, while we are here in an entirely different, almost European, world, and we don’t care. But I wouldn’t put it all down to the onerous burden that Russian society is now carrying. The point is that they are terribly wound up: even those of us who have visited Moscow for business or pleasure say that the mood has radically changed, and a certain point of no return may have emerged at the emotional level of public perception.
“But there is also another aspect to this problem. Fully aware of the fact that Russia is forming a new reality, one that is different from Ukraine’s, what has our country done in 15 years of independence to make our supposedly conscious choice acceptable? If we uphold European values, what has been done to make them comprehensible to the people? If our politicians know at least something about history, what conclusions do they draw from this?
“We apparently still do not understand that we may not have the time to form and accept any identity at all and will be engulfed by new global processes. I feel that we are now living in a time of great simplification. So whenever I am asked about our future projects, I say that, for starters, it would be good if somebody really accepts, makes use of, and draws relevant conclusions from the projects that have already been implemented.”
Olena DUDKO, foreign affairs journalist, Institute of Journalism:
“What is your idea of the cultural reform mechanism in Ukraine? For instance, our government is boasting that at last it is able to make films. Four of them are about the Orange Revolution. The latest one, Shtolnia (“Adit” — Ed.) is not exactly drawing audiences. It would be interesting to know what you think of this mechanism for reforming culture.”
“Right now I cannot offer a specific mechanism to reform culture. But I would like to note that one important factor is the state of the cultural atmosphere — whether it promotes or simplifies cultural requirements. Unfortunately, the market and democracy do not always bring about the triumph of high-quality and exalted things. This should be done by means of state control mechanisms. The president is right to establish some reference points in this field, including culture. But one should have a sense of level and proportion. For when things are not so good with the economy or politics, people may feel profound disappointment rather than elation with the fruits of his cultural proselytism.
Furthermore, this may affect not so much certain political ideas as the attitude to Ukrainianism as such. I am very much afraid that a clumsy handling of such things as Ukrainian values and the Ukrainian world may result in a situation where this entire world will be blamed for the political course or activities of a political team. So, one must be very aware of how much attention should be paid to one thing or another.
“I would say that the formation of a certain cultural requirement should be the first sign that the process of revitalization is proceeding in Ukraine. For example, is our public generally aware that a book can be an event that will trigger a certain public action? This year other kinds of people entered parliament, and things of nationwide importance that we are discussing are still on the periphery. When will they come to the center and occupy their proper place? Unfortunately, I see no prospects in the foreseeable future.
“As for the question of level, it is clear that books should be in Ukrainian but of good quality, movies should be made in Ukrainian and about Ukraine, but they should be of good quality, otherwise they will flop.”
Svitlana NEDILIA, Institute of Journalism, radio group:
“Please tell me if your books are intended for foreign readers. If so, what languages have they been translated into?”
“First of all, they are intended for Ukrainians who do not know their own history. These topics are also very important for the foreign reader. One of our books, Wars and Peace, or Ukrainians and Poles: Brothers, Enemies, Neighbors? was translated into Polish and received a very warm welcome in Poland, although we did not avoid sensitive matters and wrote the way we deemed necessary. The historical experience of Ukrainian-Polish relations is extremely important, and the formula ‘we forgive and ask to be forgiven’ is of paramount importance. Ukrainians also have things to repent and think about, for we have shed much blood — our own and other people’s.
“Maybe we did not have a state for such a long time because we were always extrapolating our own drawbacks onto the outside world and saying: the Poles stood in our way here and the Russians there... Yes, they did pursue their own interests, but why are we still unable to formulate our own? Over the past 15 years of independence we’ve been trying to persuade ourselves that we don’t have to go anywhere. But we — the military, journalists, etc., — must compete on foreign markets. We must ‘have a breath of fresh air.’
If, for example, Ukrainian soldiers are the best during a military exercise abroad, they come back home with a different opinion of themselves. If Ukrainians capture foreign markets and buy enterprises, this country should be pleased that Ukrainian business is buying something. Yet here they sell their enterprises and are thrilled that they sold their best steel mill to the Indians. I would call this an example of a twisted mind.
“As for history, we must look at it soberly. Even during heated, emotional outbursts we should take an interested, sincere, and frank approach (which we are not very inclined to do). I would say that one way or another we should dispose of our burden of historical hypocrisy because a flattering approach will never result in a correct diagnosis.
“We also published a book in English and Ukrainian, dedicated to the memory of James Mace, the distinguished researcher of the Holodomor of 1932-1933. We sent these books to foreign embassies in Ukraine. For if Ukraine is raising the question of recognizing the Holodomor as genocide but is not pressing this point with embassies, which do not have the proper materials (in an acceptable language, at that), then of course there’s nothing to talk about.”
Volodymyr HRYSHCHENKO, chief, Department of Military Policy and Strategic Planning, Ministry of Defense, Ukraine:
“What kind of mechanism do you think we must have today for the patriotic education of the new generation (through books, newspapers, and television) so that its representatives do not misinterpret historical facts and materials?”
“Do you remember Jerzy Hoffman’s blockbuster With Fire and Sword and the uproar it sparked? Many of us were deeply hurt at the way the Ukrainians were portrayed. But this is debatable, for the Poles made a film that presented their vision. Moreover, they were being very humane — I mean the way they interpreted many things contrary to the traditionally stern Polish approach. So the question is how to use freedom to produce one’s own interpretations, versions, and views. Undoubtedly, this should be authentic, but at the same time beautiful and esthetic. This country has yet to make a thought-provoking art product that will attract viewers and listeners on a mass scale. This is the basic instructive element.”
Ihor KOLIESNIK, Ministry of Defense:
“Do you agree that when our press and cinema present historical material, they put too much emphasis on the tragic episodes of Ukrainian history and shed too little light on the successful life stories of Ukrainian figures who could serve as role models for the younger generations? Yes, it is indeed essential to be historically impartial, but there must be some positive examples.”
“This is true, but even if one is studying a tragic episode, one should not necessarily fall into depression. Of course, the truth can sometimes paralyze (which one should also treat accordingly). As for positive things, I once had to answer a similar question — what I consider to be a positive date for us. I said that I consider it very important that Ukraine joined the Council of Europe ten years ago. That was in fact the first official document on our relations.
But no channel even spotlighted or even commented on this jubilee anniversary. Perhaps we are still unable to create positive meanings because we need to adopt a different system of coordinates. So the people who are offering something and advancing some rational ideas are largely at a loss. As long as society remains in this condition, it is a major problem.”
