Some half a year ago the bulk of domestic and foreign media did not pay much attention to Ukrainian politicians, and readers could learn much more about Russian, American, or Chinese leaders in various domestic publications than about their own political elite. Skeptics even put the word out that there is no such elite at all, or that even if there is it is not Ukrainian enough and so on. But since November 2000 Ukrainian politicians have found themselves in the public limelight, with publications apparently going on a binge of revelations, as if competing to become the prime mirror of the cassette scandal. However, in an effort to assess the shortcomings of politicians on a comparative basis, not all such self- proclaimed mirrors could come up with objective facts. Especially so, when from the analysis of political phenomena they went on to thrashing the names of prominent political figures, after which very little is left from the analysis itself: all this proving the old adage that any comparison without integrity limps on both legs.
In my opinion, the following categorical declaration could be a good example of such unfair analysis: “There are two things which distinguish Viktor Yushchenko from Yevhen Marchuk: first, Yushchenko knows a great deal about the economy, and his expertise is useful for Ukraine; second, Yushchenko has his own moral principles, often incomprehensible to city residents, let alone the politically biased ones.” (Yuliya Mostova, “Tretia syla” (The Third Force), Dzerkalo tyzhnia, No. 20).
Being a city resident, I cannot grasp the moral principles of such officials who, in violation of Ukrainian law, refuse to reimburse VAT to the company I work for. Nor can I understand the moral principles underlying the sell-off of state-owned shares in blue-chip companies for a song to anonymous buyers (like the Rosava Tire Plant) or to foreign investors (oblenerho enterprises). Or selling a stake in the Illich Steel Plant when its employees association has bought the stock from the state and paid the money due in full. Yushchenko’s supposed reform moral code can be further illustrated by cases of the misappropriation of revenues earned from the privatization. Or by a ban on enterprises to pay benefits to employees of budget- supported organizations, with government officials lashing out at such benefits calling them immoral (and teachers’ or doctors’ meager salaries, are they moral?). It is typical of those making propaganda for the Yushchenko cabinet’s economic record not to trouble themselves too much with arguments, which, in itself, is ample evidence of the mythmaking going on. Meanwhile, the mistakes and confirmed failures of Viktor Yushchenko’s government in running the economy are so legion that the statement that Yushchenko knows so much about the economy becomes yet another myth. And this myth in unison with the myth about Yushchenko’s absolute morality is used to discredit other politicians. Otherwise, how can one explain the fact that it was on his watch that the country was split spiritually, due to the proclaimed pan-Ukrainian idea. How can one explain that Yushchenko’s supporters marched on Verkhovna Rada bearing slogans like “Ukraine for Ukrainians” and “Down with Jewish Masons,” while the former prime minister looked the other way.
Marchuk-Yushchenko confrontation, allegedly based on sound analysis, is in effect groundless and subjective since it dwells on different circumstances and periods. While former Prime Minister Marchuk’s tenure was during the constitutional agreement, Yushchenko formed his team himself and was supported by the parliamentary majority. In this context, it would be more appropriate to ask who has made the best use of the real possibilities and how. Given such analysis, any myths from Wonderland would be short-lived. In addition, Yevhen Marchuk was supported by the opposition when he was running for president — quite in accordance with the standards and values of democracy. But was the master plan of the opposition to topple the elected president and replace him with Yushchenko in any accordance with democratic values? And what stopped the opposition from playing by internationally accepted rules and rally around Marchuk’s platform in the 1999 presidential elections?
In my opinion, it is the wish to be perpetually in opposition and not to be held accountable for anything, while being in the public eye all the time. Our mass media “mirrors” can even comment on politicians’ health problems in the light best suited to their interests. Of course, the citizens must be kept informed of the state of health of the country’s celebrities and the role of media is precisely to inform, not manipulate public opinion. While here, as soon as Yushchenko has a problem with his back, or Yuliya Tymoshenko with her stomach, the mass media raise a heroic outcry, accompanied with hints at the intrigues of oligarchs and schemes of the authorities. As soon as the Gas Princess [Mrs. Tymoshenko] was whisked off to a well-guarded private hospital, the media was at once engaged in trumpeting reports on attempts to poison her.
In this connection, I recall the troubled February of 2000 when I heard a laconic television report on the auto accident involving NSDC Secretary Marchuk. Just like that, with the tube went silent for the next four months, ignoring a courageous battle for recovery of a man bedridden from grave injuries. Only The Day reported on Yevhen Marchuk’s state of health and we could follow up on his recovery. Without comparing Mr. Marchuk to anyone, I believe that the accident helped to reveal such of his traits as decency and humanity. This politician did not chose to make use of the car accident to offer scenarios and level accusations at his opponents. Marchuk did everything possible to shield his driver from any accusations. When in the hospital, he worked hard.
I wish such worthy conduct could become the rule, not the exception among politicians. I wish journalists could be impartial, although that may run counter to their political choices and preferences. Impartiality should become the yardstick for professionalism. My congratulations on the Day of the Journalist.
Halyna ALEKSANDROVA , Mariupol
