Despite their twice as low representation in a new Verkhovna Rada, the Communists can still retain much of their voting power, with their faction a big favorite for the so-called golden share in Verkhovna Rada. People’s Deputy Heorhy KRIUCHKOV shares his views on the role of his party’s faction in the new parliament in an interview with The Day.
What role do you envisage for the Communist fraction in the new parliament?
I cannot speak on behalf of the fraction or party, I can only express my personal vision. With the format of a new legislature and affiliations of independent lawmakers still unclear, it is difficult to foresee the lineup in the new Verkhovna Rada. With so many independents jumping on its bandwagon, the For a United Ukraine Bloc (ZaYedU) is likely to have the largest fraction in the legislature. The strategy of our party is contingent on the lineup of political forces in the future Verkhovna Rada. We cannot come together with ZaYedU as much of its campaign effort was targeted against us and ideologically we are on different sides of the fence. But the fact that the party (ZaYedU — Ed.) with less than 13% of the vote will be represented in Verkhovna Rada by the largest faction is a telling demonstration of how corrupt our election and the so-called democratic systems are.
As regards the Our Ukraine Bloc, it became home to the most diehard representatives of national chauvinism with whom we obviously can never unite in the parliament. The Socialists could be our allies but they seem to prefer or seek Yushchenko’s embrace. I do not know, however, whether this is on Yushchenko’s list. If the Socialists value their cooperation with national chauvinists more than their ideological principles this will be a guideline for our attitude toward them.
We have no other option but to go it alone. Still, on a number of issues our stand could coincide with the attitude of other political forces. Take, for example, the language issue. Our attitude here is quite close to the one declared by the Socialist Democrats (united). With regard to Ukraine’s foreign policy, we are close to the positions advocated by Our Ukraine and SDPU(o). That is why we do not rule out cooperation with other parties on these issues. For example, if our views on combating corruption and oligarchs coincide with those held by Our Ukraine, we will support them. In other words, we will have to define our position in each specific case and depending on the situation.
Compared to the previous Verkhovna Rada, what new role will the Communists play in the next?
I think our agenda will be more defined and our role more pronounced in raising concrete issues and initiating specific bills. In my view, the potential of our fraction for enacting new legislation was not used effectively. At least we should have been more active pushing for new laws. I suggest that our leaders show more commitment and dedication in this area.
As shown by analysis of the election results, the share of Ukrainians opposing the regime has grown. We have reasons to believe that we are on the right track and have a mandate to stand by the interests of those who are not satisfied with the regime. We will continue to work in this direction. Despite our lower tally in this election, I am convinced that the number of voters supporting the Communist ideology has not decreased. If the votes (which were stolen from us by splinter parties and went for a number of subjective reasons to the Socialists) were added to the 20% of the vote we won, that would give us over 23% voter support. In this context, I would like to quote (former speaker) Ivan Pliushch who said, “If the Communists get 20% of the vote, not 15%, it would indicate that society has not undergone any change.” In fact, there has been change, although not in Ivan Pliushch’s sense. This change indicates that the number of dissatisfied Ukrainians is growing.
How do you see the structure of the new Verkhovna Rada? Will there be a majority? What parties and blocs will unite to create a majority?
I see no political force which could serve as a basis for a parliamentary majority, unless the leaders of ZaYedU conspire with their counterparts from Our Ukraine. I do not rule this scenario out, and such a majority could be attained. Earlier, I said that the majority will exist until one of them blows the whistle to law enforcement. And there is no knowing how long the blocs will survive in Verkhovna Rada.
How, in your opinion, will the distribution of Verkhovna Rada assignments and its key committees be carried out? Will it be a short or a long process? What are the claims of the Communist faction in this respect?
I am not aware of any claims so far. I do not know yet with what Verkhovna Rada committee I will register and serve. I do not know what attitude the other factions will adopt. If it is the same as the one shown during the anti-constitutional coup of 2001, when the Communists and Socialists were ousted from Verkhovna Rada leadership, any talk about our claims makes little sense.
As regards the first part of your question, my answer is that to engage in forecasts is a thankless occupation, and I will not do it. I have but one prediction to make: it seems to me that, caught by the instinct to make a better picture of lawmakers than the one they presented in 1998 (when the previous parliament was elected — Ed.), the chiefs of parties that made it to the parliament will be ready for compromise. They can do this by distributing posts and then voting on it. It will be a relief for the deputies, Verkhovna Rada, and the people. It would be a normal course of developments. If no one has a majority, compromises must be made. I hope that there will be no repetition of the disgraceful speaker election saga of 1998.
