Until recently China’s expansion was basically aimed at Central Asia and the process proved quite effective. Now, apparently, is the turn of Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine.
China came to Belarus at the peak of a financial crisis when Minsk was in a state of panic over the catastrophic shortage of hard currency. For political reasons it was impossible to get the IMF’s loan and the Russian ally was in no hurry to lend a helping hand. It was then Beijing made its appearance. Interestingly, as soon as the talks in Minsk were successfully concluded, the Kremlin remembered its commitments as an ally and forwarded financial aid.
In the case of Ukraine, the scope is much larger and reaches further than the financial sphere.
The Chinese destroyer Qingdao recently visited Sevastopol. The visit’s main purpose was to reaffirm the friendly relations between Ukraine and China, as repeatedly stated by Chinese officers. The Ukrainian Navy’s press service announced that the visit was part of a military cooperation program for July-August 2012.
During the visit Ukrainian Navy Commander VADM Yurii Ilyin met with the cruise commander, People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) North Sea Fleet Deputy Commander RADM Yang Junfei, and the destroyer’s commanding officer Captain Wang Haijiang. During their stay in the city the Chinese officers visited the Ukrainian warships, the Nakhimov Naval Academy, and were taken on sightseeing tours. For two day the Qingdao could be visited by any resident or guest to the city. The visit ended on August 4.
Qingdao’s voyage to Sevastopol was the second major event in the sphere of Sino-Ukrainian naval cooperation this year. A Ukrainian military delegation, led by the then Commander of the Navy, Admiral Viktor Maksimov, visited China in February. A group of ranking officers of the Navy and the General Staff met with commanding officers of the People’s Liberation Army, had talks with colleagues from the Chinese General Staff, visited the main headquarters of the Navy, a military college and a number of facilities at the naval base of Qingdao.
Both the Ukrainian visit and that of the Chinese destroyer are proof of an enhancing military and technological cooperation between the countries. Add here the ongoing construction of four Zubr-type amphibious assault ships at the shipyard of Feodosiia and the training courses for the Chinese crews as part of the contract. This year two Chinese cadets graduated from the Nakhimov Academy. A dozen PLAN officers have undergone training in Sevastopol over the past decade.
China shows a keen interest in the considerable potential of Ukrainian shipbuilding and repair companies, primarily in terms of equipping the Chinese aircraft carrier Shi Lang (former Ukrainian Varyag). Ukraine can count on contracts for servicing the vessel’s power plant and other technical work. Joint combat aircraft construction projects have been underway for several years.
The Chinese destroyer’s visit was not an isolated event in the military-technical area. It should be regarded in conjunction with the ongoing talks on a Chinese loan of 3.6 billion dollars to Ukraine to help develop the energy sphere by converting from gas to coal most boilers and thermal power plants.
Ukrainian ranking bureaucrats attach considerable importance to this loan, considering that China does not set strict conditions and requires no control over the targeted use of funds thus provided (as in the case of Belarus). In the current very difficult economic situation, with the gold reserves of the National Bank dwindling away, this loan looks like manna from heaven. Unlike the IMF, with its stringent requirements of guarantees of the return of loans and interest thereon, China may not require repayment in cash and be content with freight delivery.
Another point is that in conditions of mounting food crisis Beijing finds it increasingly difficult to feed its huge population. Domestic food production is growing but not quickly enough. Ukraine, with its enormous agricultural potential, is an area of special interest for the Middle Kingdom. In other words, giving money now on what could be described as favorable conditions, the Chinese leadership (which can be very tough) is counting on substantial economic as well as political dividends in the future.
China has long-term objectives in mind and it will take its time reaching them. Beijing thinks in terms of decades, unlike Russia where they are accustomed to getting everything here and now.
Remarkably, the Chinese destroyer’s visit was not accompanied by noisy protest rallies or pickets. Apparently the Black Sea Navy’s headquarters had sent appropriate directives to the reptilian pro-Russian organizations. True, there were no I-love-you signs. The Kremlin must be worried about this Chinese intrusion into Russia’s traditional area of interest, and Beijing’s one-billion loan to Moldova south-west of Moscow doesn’t make them any happier. The fact remains that Chinese and US influence in Central Asia resulted in Uzbekistan withdrawing from the Collective Security Treaty Organization.
One can hardly expect the Ukrainian political leadership to proceed from strategic considerations in building its relationships with China, although strategic considerations should be kept in mind now. The blunder in Kharkiv is a salutary lesson those “upstairs” ought to have learned. Not likely, all things considered, so the children will have to pay for their parents’ thoughtlessness.
