A long line of Saturdays, each essential for the fuel-and-energy complex, has stretched from April 19, when the Cabinet of Ministers was to decide, in the President’s presence, the destiny of Vice-Premier Yulia Tymoshenko and the energy market reform she was proposing, until this day. We have just had another, the sixth, Saturday, but the “Gordian knot of energy” still remains uncut.
Last Saturday, the government was discussing the counterproposals from Ms. Tymoshenko’s opponents — the ministry of economics and the ministry for fuel and energy. Viktor Yushchenko decided to stay out of the tussle this time and left Yuri Yekhanurov to preside over the Cabinet meeting. In the long run, the opponents’ joint project failed to poll the required number of votes (observers note the Ukrainian government is slowly turning into sort of a mini- parliament). Then Ms. Tymoshenko’s project was discussed again, but it was also down on its luck.
To be fair, the two sides, well aware that further squabbles in the government become all but indecent, seem to have tried to bring their viewpoints closer. Two days later, Yuri Yekhanurov announced the government had reached a compromise (between who?) on the key points of the energy market reform. His words suggested that it was Ms. Tymoshenko who had to retreat because her proposals to create new organizational structures (settlement centers — Author) on the market were allegedly withdrawn from the draft resolution, while the ministry for fuel and energy was allowed to let its entities make the required banking payments in a flash (within one day).
However, an insider who represents the interests of one of the privatized regional power-supply agencies (oblenerho), told The Day that in reality it was Ms. Tymoshenko who emerged victorious from the governmental fight, securing far more serious advantages in return for some concessions on her part. So as soon as May 24 the Electric Energy Commission changed the procedure of fund distribution between the energy market participants, thus dealing a heavy blow to the oblenerhos and the commercial and political structures standing behind them.
Moreover, Ms. Tymoshenko tried to lay hand on the ministry for fuel and energy, the very citadel where her adversaries have taken shelter. A letter was sent to the President and the heads of the government and parliament by some eminent energy figures (leaders of two trade unions, chairman of the council of veteran energy experts, leaders of the Scientific and Technological League, and a former thermal power plant manager, now people’s deputy), which, among other things, motivates the necessity of disbanding the “cumbersome” ministry that has in fact become an unbearable burden for the economy.
More fuel was added to the fire of last Saturday’s Cabinet debate on energy problems by the extended plenary meeting of the central committee of the coal-miners’ union held in the presence of Mr. Yushchenko and Ms. Tymoshenko. The premier took great pains to dampen the ardor the miners’ defenders, promising them to allocate UAH100 million for wages, although he had affirmed shortly before that he was not going to be a cashier for local coal-mine managers who do not know how to make sales. Will the premier forgive Ms. Tymoshenko, who failed to organize payments inside the energy complex, this public defeat or will he shift the blame to minister for fuel and energy, Serhiy Tulub, who “urgently” fell ill?
New rumors flew on the eve of last Saturday’s Cabinet energy-related session about probable staff replacements in the energy complex. Former premier Valery Pustovoitenko still tops the rating list of candidates for Naftohaz Ukrainy chairmanship. It is claimed the decision on his appointment has already been signed and will be made public in due time. Notably lagging behind Mr. Pustovoitenko is Bohdan Kliuk, now working in Moscow as vice-president in charge of mining at the Itera company. But the appointment of him would have a special sense. Last week, President Leonid Kuchma met Rem Viakhirev, head of the Russian Gazprom company. They talked about the prospects of further cooperation rather than about debts. It is not ruled out that the negotiators backed Ms. Tymoshenko and the joint venture she is actively lobbying (whether with Gazprom or Itera is not so important, in principle), which is supposed to operate almost the whole amount of gas coming to Ukraine.
It is interesting that this JV seems to have already had its leader found. He is the former vice-president of Itera-Ukraine and the current vice- president of the parent Itera, Yury Nemchenko. His presence and activities in Ukraine are shrouded in “awesome mystery.” It was confirmed to The Day in the waiting room of his Itera office in Moscow that he is now in Kyiv. The receptionist at Naftohaz Ukrainy gave us the phone number by which one can reach Mr. Nemchenko in the Naftohaz premises, where he has already been admittedly given an office with a waiting room. However, the voice at the receiving end said Mr. Nemchenko was currently in Moscow and, in general, was a very rare guest in “our organization.” What is more, the voice refused to name the organization.
In the meantime, the corridors of power more and more confidently pronounce the name of Ms. Tymoshenko’s probable successor. He is Volodymyr Shcherban, the current governor of Sumy oblast, who formed a regional-level gas-supplying monopoly Industrial Union of Donbas when he was governor of Donetsk.
