Kuwait has just held its eleventh parliamentary election since independence in 1961. Though Kuwait is a monarchy, its parliamentary history has not been placid, and the election campaign reflected ongoing tensions between the royal family and segments of the electorate.
Originally scheduled for October 2007, the election was brought forward to break a deadlock between the parliament and the government over the number of electoral districts in the country. Currently, there are 25 constituencies nationwide, but reformers have long argued that a smaller number - each with a larger number of voters - would be less susceptible to manipulation by the political elite.
The 29 members of parliament who support a reduced number of constituencies were unable to agree with the government on a new number. As a result, the issue became the focus of a vigorous campaign by discontented Kuwaitis, who gathered in front of the National Assembly building and in universities to voice their criticisms.
In response, the government removed the redistricting issue from parliament to the constitutional court - an attempt, reformers argued, to hold back change. When three members of parliament sought to question the Prime Minister - their right, under the Kuwaiti constitution - the parliament was dissolved and elections called.
The rules of political life in Kuwait have been worked out over 300 years - since this small area emerged as a self-contained polity. The royal family is empowered to administer the country, but through consultation with different sectors, like tribal leaders or merchant groups.
With independence in 1961, these rules were codified in a constitution. Compared to other Gulf monarchies, the Kuwaiti royal family has limited powers, though constitutional rules have frequently been ignored-charges of vote-rigging marred the 1967 election, and parliamentary dissolution has dotted the country’s history.
Nevertheless, since the liberation of Kuwait following the Iraqi occupation in August 1990, the parliament has gained both stability and respect. The dissolutions of parliament in 1999 and 2006 were carried out according to the law, and elections were called in a timely fashion.
Parliament retains the right to interrogate cabinet members, including the Prime Minister, on financial and administrative questions and has frequently passed motions of no confidence in government. More recently, with the death last December of the Emir, Sheikh Jabir al-Ahmad, parliamentary approval was exercised a key role in resolving succession debates among factions of the royal family.
Overall, Kuwait has always had a lively political life, with freedom of expression and less political repression than is common in neighboring countries. Political violence has been rare. Though political parties have not been legalized, they are nonetheless active in parliament and public life. Kuwaiti life reflects the many and varied political trends throughout the Arab world, as the country’s open society and economic opportunities have made it a powerful magnet and regional safety valve since the 1950’s.
With this election, Kuwaiti women participated in choosing the parliament for the first time. Though women have long been active in Kuwaiti public life, they were enfranchised only last year, after a long and difficult campaign, by a parliamentary vote, and accounted for just 28 of the 249 candidates.
The voting population is 57% female, and commentators speculated on the likely impact of women voters. Would they follow the voting patterns of their husbands? Clearly, women demonstrated tremendous enthusiasm for the political process, taking part in large numbers in political rallies, and as campaign workers in a range of election activities. In the end, while a loose opposition coalition of pro-reform ex-MP’s, Islamists, and liberals gained a majority of the National Assembly’s 50 seats, no woman won.
The electorate focused almost entirely on the question of electoral districts. Most Kuwaitis see this very technical issue as a way of pressing for reform. Major regional issues, like the war in Iraq or Iran’s nuclear program, were barely mentioned.
Islamist candidates were in an awkward position, seeking support from women voters, whose participation they opposed. However, Islamists were among the 29 parliamentary deputies pushing for constituency reform, a fact that eased their dilemma. Support for reform comes from across the political spectrum, whereas opponents of reform paid a high price. Indeed, three members of the outgoing parliament who supported the government were not candidates, having lost in their tribal primaries.
With pro-reform forces strengthening their position in the new parliament, the government has two choices. It can go along with electoral reform, or it can find an opportunity to dissolve the new parliament. Already, commentators are speculating on how long the new parliament will survive.
Whatever the immediate outcome, the Kuwaiti government is facing a new political horizon. Women are now the majority of voters, and young people have taken up the reform banner. Democracy will push the ruling family forward.
Ghanim al-Najjar is professor of political science at Kuwait University.
