Recently the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall was widely celebrated in Germany. Many think that this event became an impulse for the collapse of the socialist camp, and then the Soviet Union. Some experts even compare the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and Euromaidan of 2014. And against the background of these festivities, what is Germany’s attitude towards the erection of a new wall, in the literal and figurative senses, between Russia and eastern Ukraine? The Day started a conversation with Deputy Ambassador of Germany to Ukraine Anka Feldhusen, a fluent speaker of Ukrainian, with this question.
“The mere fact that the project is named ‘The Wall’ raises some questions in Germany. I understand that Ukraine wants to defend itself and thinks that it would be nice to have a physical barrier against tanks as before. Ukraine is the only European country today, on whose territory foreign tanks are deployed, and this threat should be counteracted.
“But I do not think that we will be able to take measures quickly to protect the border in the best way possible. It would be an illusion. What we can do is use the ability of influencing Russia with a further goal to find such a form of relations, in which Russia and Ukraine could peacefully coexist. This is what we are doing, and this is what the Federal Chancellor is doing.”
But Russia promotes its ideology of the “Russian world,” which is intolerant and similar to the ideology of the “Islamic State.”
“We saw that the hopes that used to exist after the fall of the Berlin Wall regarding relations with Russia did not come true. The reasons are different, but we should change our policy towards Russia.
“For 20 years Russia, the largest country in our space, was still a partner. The renewal of these relations would be a perfect option. But we know that the events in Ukraine have changed our relations drastically and we need to look for another way. Nevertheless, it is better to maintain the dialog with Russia than resort to some other actions. But at the same time, we must firmly tell it that it cannot go on this way anymore.”
How can understanding with Russia be found if it acts according to the rules of the 19th century, and the West lives in the 21st century?
“There is no quick solution to this problem. The only way of counteraction is sanctions. And they will yield result in a long run. At the same time, we are constantly discussing the necessity of Minsk agreements implementation.
“Just like Gorbachev and Shevardnadze, they are important pages of our history, but they do not have real influence on politics anymore. With this ceremony in Berlin we wanted to show how grateful we are that the wall fell and Germany united.”
During his visit to Astana, Frank-Walter Steinmeier said: “Now we must be extremely cautious not to come back to the state of military confrontation, which we considered to be a thing of the past.” But it is Russia that does not adhere to the Minsk agreements’ provisions at all. Is it possible to force Russia to implement the agreements with such an approach?
“It should be understood that diplomats have a language of their own, which is not always as direct as that of regular people who conduct kitchen discussions on political issues. Our position is clear: we demand the implementation of the Minsk agreements.”
But some levers must support the demands which Putin would understand. Why Germany, as the largest and, as experts say, irreplaceable country, the European colossus, excludes the option of application of force to settle the conflict? Russia understands that Europe will not apply force and therefore does as it pleases. Isn’t it so?
“First of all, Germany is an EU and NATO member. Perhaps, we are an important country, but we do not decide anything on our own. It is always a consensus among partners.”
But actions can be carried out in a bilateral mode.
“If we look at our history, Germany will not act alone, because we do not want our neighbors to be afraid of us. We will always discuss our steps with our partners. You can be sure that Germany will influence current local events in a positive way. We are not the US, we use a different kind of language. But this does not mean we are not doing our best to prevent the situation from deteriorating.”
German expert Ulrich Speck said in his article “Force and Goal: German Foreign Policy at the Crossroads” that unwillingness to consider military means as a foreign policy tool is one of the major obstacles to Germany’s ability to play a more significant role on the international arena when it comes to crisis management. What is your opinion on that?
“Neither France nor the United Kingdom, nor Germany, no one considers a military option. I understand you emotionally that Ukrainians do not like it. But we together with NATO are doing our best to find another way. Time will show whether it is possible or not. I think the very fact that your president talks to Angela Merkel almost on a weekly basis shows that we do not want to take any action without taking Ukraine’s point of view into consideration.”
Your country supplies weapons to the Kurds who fight against the Islamic State. But why doesn’t Germany supply weapons to Ukraine, so it could counteract Russian troops in the east of the country?
“It is easier for our countries to fight such organizations as Islamic State than countries. Russia is a very large state with a strong military potential.”
By the way, during her visit to Kyiv in summer, Merkel promised to provide guarantees for credits of 500 million euro for the reconstruction of Donbas. Would you, please, tell us what Germany is doing now in this regard?
“We are constructing modular houses where refugees can live in winter, in the areas where the majority of refugees from Donbas reside: in Zaporizhia, Kharkiv, and Dnipropetrovsk oblasts. Besides, Germany sent over 100 freight trucks with more than 750 tons of humanitarian supplies meant for the winter. These are mobile kitchens, heaters, fuel, winter coats, and blankets. It was our first specific aid mission which is being implemented now. As regards guarantees for 500 million euros, they are assigned for the Ukrainian government’s projects on infrastructure restoration in Donbas. There was a German delegation in Ukraine, which had an official meeting with the Ukrainian partners to learn about the priorities of the Ukrainian government. It was about long-term energy efficiency and public utilities infrastructure development projects. That is, it applies not only to overcoming the crisis, but also to provision of Ukraine’s lesser dependence on energy sources. German national banks can provide credits guaranteed by the German state.”
Ukraine’s government plans to hold a donor conference in January, during which the country’s reconstruction plan will be discussed. Will Germany participate in it? What is your attitude towards the suggestion to call it a Marshall Plan or even a Merkel Plan for Ukraine?
“Yes, we will definitely participate in this conference. The name does not matter. I am sure that all our colleagues are already working on it. But it will not be a Marshall Plan, as it has been after the World War II for Germany. Ukraine needs help to become successful on its path to Europe.”
