Last Saturday’s public events marking the anniversary of the Unification Act (Akt Zluky) obviously surpassed similar events last year. Instead of the usual tedious official pomp, there were numerous rallies across Kyiv, apparently due to the changes that have taken place during the year. The proverbial powers that be and opposition used the occasion to assert their stands. Truth be told, not all of them proved effective. In fact, the powers that be ended up embarrassed, with red faces all around.
That Saturday morning there were many people bearing national badges and banners. A young fellow wrapped in a national flag was seen in a Kyiv Subway. A young married couple with a baby in a baby carriage proudly displayed a homemade patriotic poster. In a word, contrary to the Interior Ministry’s previous warning about the high risk of bloodletting confrontations, no one seemed alarmed. Rather, the people seemed encouraged.
The world’s largest 45-by-30-meter national flag was unfurled near the Ukrainian Home, with people willingly posing for the cameras underneath.
Perhaps the most important public event took place that morning on the Paton Bridge. There were no politicians, no party leaders when, to the accompaniment of drums, a column made up of young people, under the flag of the Ukrainian National Republic, started marching from the Left Bank. Another column, bearing the flag of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, marched from the Right Bank. As the columns joined, the young people joined hands and sang the anthem “Ukraine Is Not Yet Dead.” They were friendly, free, and merry. Some painted their cheeks blue-yellow, using gouache, others sang patriotic songs, still others were kissing. All were trying to manifest their patriotic sentiment as best they could. A total of some 2,000 young activists gathered on Paton Bridge. They had coordinated this event by email, so neither the media, nor the political parties were practically aware of what was happening. These young people simply did what they wanted to do.
By contrast, there were lots of banners boasting various party affiliations on the Kontraktova and St. Sophia squares. The Front of Changes, For Ukraine, and Sobor parties failed to gather the stated 2,500 participants on Kontraktova Square. Those who did emerge amounted to about a thousand, with most doing so on orders of their party bosses. These people were apparently bored by the whole thing and barely responded to whoever was addressing them from the podium. But then, sensationally, Petro Poroshenko made his appearance. For a number of political analysts, this served as indirect proof of the ongoing rumors about his being the main financial catalyst of unification.
Apart from party leaders’ speeches, there was a “space bridge” between Kyiv, Lviv, and Luhansk, culminating in the construction of a map of Ukraine, using big foam plastic cubes, the way you do a jigsaw puzzle, followed by the launch of a great many small blue and yellow balloons. If the organizers wanted a good TV show, they had it. Followed the politicians’ briefing for the press.
A short walk from the place, beside the Skovoroda statue, NUN’s Oles Donii staged his political show, starring Sashko Lirnyk, Brothers Kapranov, Sashko Irvanets, Les Podereviansky, and Svitlana Povalaieva. Svoboda’s Bohdan Beniuk was his usual excellent self playing Zhyd’s part. Yurii Stets, clothed as an UPA soldier, managed to bring a real Schmeisser submachine gun to the square.
“Each Zluka anniversary should be a merry occasion, so our show is meant to make Ukrainians happy; it ridicules our silly problems,” said Donii.
After the show everyone headed for St. Sophia’s Cathedral.
The Maidan (Independence Square) hosted a gala concert on a huge podium erected by the Mayor’s Office, with people waving small national flags to the music, some dancing. Fortunately, no alcoholic drinks are now allowed in public places.
Those who took place in the political rallies would receive their pay on Lipska St. that night.
St. Sophia Square presented a different picture. Unlike Paton Bridge, here older people gathered, some 10,000, with lots of banners announcing their party affiliation: Batkivshchyna, Svoboda, European National Self-Defense, Tryzub, and Civic Stand.
Toward the evening, people started leaving, with the Maidan still ablaze, music thundering. In the evening, it transpired that all those who’d taken part in the Maidan rally were gypped. Ukrainska Pravda reporter assumes none was paid the promised 120 hryvnias. The whole affair is shrouded in mystery…
I can’t feel sorry about such people. I feel sorry about this country because there are people who can be paid to take part in rallies. So long as we have such people, there is no way to make any European changes in Ukraine.
SOME THOUGHTS ON UNITY DAY
The Day asked people what unity is for them and how they are ready to bolster it?
Stanislav FEDORCHUK, political scientist, Donetsk:
“You know, for many years the Ukrainian government (in different versions) tried to make us think that Unity Day is another anniversary when we should commemorate our bitter defeats and historical losses. Actually, it is not so; for me, personally, this is a holiday of uniting into one Ukrainian family. Unfortunately, this uniting is not yet finished, but it should be realized by all means in the near future, for without it the consolidation into one people (and later, the powerful Ukrai-nian nation), the long-expected creation and further development of the real Ukrainian state, taking a proper place among the countries of the world, is impossible. For efficient Ukrainian unity, personally I’d like (and actually I’m trying to do it) all residents of east and west to communicate more between themselves, visit each other, spend vacations together, and travel. Because the old stereotypes, from the Soviet times, regarding the mentality of far and little known regions — they remain not only in the Donbas regarding ‘those westerners,’ but also somewhere in Galicia, where ‘miners guided by oligarchs’ are treated with suspicion. We should socialize more in order to understand: we are the same, we strive for the welfare of our families, a happy future for our children, stability and prosperity for the country.”
Zakir ZAKIROV, Simferopol:
“Unity is not only a geopolitical condition of the state or its unitary character. This epithet should reflect cultural and mental unity of the country’s citizens, when they all feel they are needed on this land. Therefore, in my opinion, unity is a state of social consciousness. In fact, our state is a variety of ethnicities and religions, but it doesn’t prevent it from being united. Political rogues are an obstacle. A part of them tell stories about the ‘happy past,’ and another part — about a ‘happy’ future.
“For the Crimea this moment is topical. We now celebrate a jubilee: 20 years since renewing the autonomy. When it made its first steps, many windbags appeared in the regional politics who promised a happy future. On the tide of such sentiments Yurii Meshkov became the first (and the last!) president of the Crimea. This activist promised Crimea citizens to join the Russian Federation. Certainly, it didn’t happen, but people believed it. They elected him themselves, discarding the pragmatism of Mykola Bahrov. Over the 20 years it became clear that the issue of the territorial belonging of the Crimea should be removed from the agenda forever.
“Another question is in what Ukraine we want to live and develop? Everything is in our hands. If you want to change the world — start with yourself. Even if we are all so different, even if in each region we have our local patriotism, but on the whole it gives results. What is Crimean patriotism, for example? It is when I will not allow building dangerous factories here, will not give or take bribes, will not abandon old parents, etc. In this case, what is the difference between Kherson’s and Lviv’s patriotism? No difference.”
