On Dec. 14, 2006, Viktor Yushchenko set a record for the longest series of press conferences. He devoted a whole day to representatives of the “fourth branch of power,” taking only a short break for lunch. In the morning he met with foreign correspondents, in the afternoon with Ukrainian journalists, and from 4 to 5 p.m. he answered netizens’ questions online. The meeting with the Ukrainian mass media took place in Ukrainian House and was aired on national TV channels.
Three main messages can be singled out from the president’s public appearance. The first one is that Yushchenko believes that the blame for the worsening relations between the president and the Cabinet of Ministers rests with Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych. “There is an increasing amount of conflict in the relations between the president and the prime minister on a number of issues. I am not the instigator of this conflict,” the president said. “I do not favor this style in our relations, and it seems to me that it is being introduced by Viktor Yanukovych.”
The head of state believes that the main causes for the increasingly tense situation are the unfinished constitutional reform and revanchist sentiments in the coalition cabinet. “A new team has come. One gets the impression that the whole world is under [their] feet. Intentions to see a revanche and to see everyone vanquished,” said the president.
The second message is, of course, about the constitutional reform. According to President Yushchenko, if an agreement on its amendment is not reached, it will be canceled. If the country’s life once depended on which the side of the bed a person would get up, and that person, according to him, lived on Bankova Street, now he has the impression that this person lives on Hrushevsky Street. “If we leave the situation unchanged, we will be sliding into authoritarianism with every passing day,” said Yushchenko.
The gas question could not fail to surface. The president believes that Ukrainian citizens should buy gas at a price that covers the cost of its production and transport. He went on to say that the state should help the low-income population and underprivileged social strata to pay for gas.
Yushchenko also spoke about his poisoning, the Black Sea Fleet, Ukrainian-Russian relations, the 2007 budget, and his dream of finding a motorcycle under the Christmas tree.
The Day asked leading Ukrainian political scientists to comment on the president’s speech.
Volodymyr FESENKO, head of the Penta Center for Applied Political Studies:
In a way, this was the president’s report on his achievements and the problems he has had to face. Evidently, he believes the main problem is the political confrontations resulting from the political reform.
There were no fundamental revelations at the press conference. Rather it elaborated the theses made public earlier, in particular regarding the constitutional reform.
What is noteworthy is that, in a way, the president seized the political initiative. Rather than playing by the rules of the anti-crisis coalition, he is setting up his own signposts. The budget veto effectively transferred the initiative to the president. Now, in addition to this veto, the anti-crisis coalition will have to address the president’s initiative regarding the constitutional commission and possibly a constitutional referendum.
He stated his position in very mild terms, but nevertheless those were demands rather than mere proposals. It appears that the president is trying to demonstrate his active involvement and resolve. To some extent, this may be an attempt to change the already established stereotype of an indecisive president.
Regarding the phrase that the mood swings of the person living on Hrushevsky Street determine the lives of Ukrainians, I believe that this was an emotional reaction to the moves the government has made. The government and the anti-crisis coalition are not willing to negotiate with him, so to speak. They are forcing him into a war. It is not unlikely that the government’s reaction to the president’s moves is the same.
