Until recently Yulia Tymoshenko was in the center of public attention, considering that she offered no comment on the results of the 2010 presidential election for almost a week. Despite the recognition of the presidential campaign as a democratic and transparent one by international and domestic observers, Tymoshenko declared she would keep campaigning for as long as it took. Even though she kept a rather long information and campaign pause, the incumbent head of state, Viktor Yushchenko, took the lead when he commented on the election’s form, content, and results during a press conference on Tuesday, after keeping silent for eight days.
“I’m leaving my presidential post a happy man,” he told journalists. In fact, he did look happy and was very markedly straightforward in his comments. Nevertheless, he refuted any criticism, saying it was biased and that five years from now his 2005-10 presidency will emerge in an entirely new light. He may have a point there, for it is history — not all those talking heads who, for reasons best known to themselves, consider themselves to be politicians and keep running from one TV studio to the next — will assess the activities and inactivity of Yushchenko’s five years as President. Here rash decisions are inexpedient and unwelcome, considering that Ukraine has plenty of problems and to spare.
Yushchenko spoke for more than two hours, sharing jokes, critical remarks, personal comments. He admitted that he underwent 60 surgeries in 2005-06, including the so-called microsurgeries almost every evening. “Most Ukrainians wouldn’t have endured this, but my ancestors were Cossacks and I endured it all,” the former Maidan leader added with a slight frown.
Yushchenko was often quoted as saying — and made public statements — that he would vote against both candidates. However, on February 7, after dropping his ballot in the transparent box, the incumbent head of state, contrary to his usual verbosity, said only that Ukrainians will be ashamed of their choice. Considering that Yushchenko urged his electorate and all Ukrainians to vote against all candidates, people at Tymoshenko’s campaign headquarters remarked sardonically that the first thing Yanukovych should do after inauguration would be having a monument to Yushchenko erected in Donetsk, signing an edict conferring the title “Hero of Ukraine” on him. The implication is apparent: Tymoshenko’s people are convinced that Yushchenko did his best to help his key opponent win a presidential campaign like the one in 2004. There is a grain of truth in these allegations, but there are hard facts that show that over 80 percent Ukrainians who voted for Yushchenko in the first round then voted for Tymoshenko in the runoff. Conclusion? Whatever has been said in the political circles about backstage deals, the people made their choice and this is proof of active democracy.
The man who was applauded by millions of Ukrainians on the Maidan in Kyiv and by dozens of members of the European Parliament and world leaders will leave his office on Bankova St. in a week. On February 16, the Verkhovna Rada cast 238 votes for a resolution setting Yanukovych’s inauguration date: February 25. Incidentally, Yushchenko will mark his birthday two days prior to this date. He said yesterday. When asked whether he will be in parliament to attend the inauguration ceremony, he replied shortly, “No, I won’t.” Apparently, after letting five-year squabbles discredit the Maidan idea, Yushchenko decided to spare it further shame.
Incidentally, during the two-hour press conference the President referred to Yanukovych as Viktor Fedorovych and to Tymoshenko by using her last name. Yushchenko is convinced that Tymoshenko was the biggest mistake made during his presidency.
YUSHCHENKO’S ROLE IN THE STATE-BUILDING PROCESS
He also commented on his role in the assertion of the Ukrainian state: “I am happy to state that, as President, I was a rank-and-file soldier who fought to make true the cherished dream of my grand- and great grandparents, so that Ukraine could follow its independent national course as a democratic European country. I think that we will further broach numerous issues in greater detail. I would also like to thank all of the journalists who have followed me these five years. There have been different periods and I don’t want and will not recall many of the experiences we have lived through.
I have done my best to help our journalists be free and national-minded rather than servile hacks on someone’s (including on party) payroll; so they could become individuals who keep a step ahead of the nation, help shape it, help its national maturation. With this mission in mind I have maintained a dialog with you. I thank you all, regardless of whether or not you heard me.”
YANUKOVYCH’S PLANS RE: BLACK SEA FLEET
“The presence of the Russian Black Sea Fleet is a destabilizing factor… It is an unhealing wound that has inflicted considerable damage on our national dialog.
“If this nation wishes to be independent forever, this fleet must be withdrawn. This wouldn’t be an act aimed against Russia, I wouldn’t want this to be interpreted as an unfriendly act.
“Yanukovych’s statements about the fleet remaining where it is, allowing the gas transportation system to become a consortium, and so on, shouldn’t surprise anyone. I don’t think that there is anything new about these statements. You have heard them for five years. Why should anyone be surprised?
“In my policy I made every effort for May 28, 1917, to become the last day of the Russian Black Sea Fleet’s deployment in Ukraine. I’m convinced that certain politicians — including the next President — enjoy playing games on this public level and making a U-turn. This policy has brought no success but produced a considerable degree of destabilization. As a politician, I will do my best for this policy, aimed as it is at laying by this problem, to fail.”
POLITICAL FUTURE
“I have said that I hate politics. My aides later told me that it was the wrong thing to say, but I repeat:
I hate politics. However, I’m well aware that you can’t benefit your country without politics and this is what brings you pain deep inside.
I know the Ukrainian politicians only too well and I didn’t want to spend too much time with them because this gets you nowhere.
“I don’t live on credit, mine is a moderate lifestyle, I still have several years ahead and I’d like to live them the way I want. Of course, I will lead my political force in the local and parliamentary elections.”
BANDERA: NATIONAL HERO
“I hope that the edict conferring the hero’s title on Stepan Bandera won’t be abolished. Some support it and others are opposed to it. Obviously, there will be objections, but this doesn’t suffice to revise it.
No one will dare abolish this edict of President Yushchenko. Without Bandera there would be no Yanukovych. Yanukovych wouldn’t have become president of an independent country. Without all those patriots who sacrificed their life for Ukrainian independence, he could have been appointed governor of Little Russia at best.”
YANUKOVYCH’S MISSION
“I wouldn’t want Viktor Fedorovych to be President of the Donbas and the seven oblasts that voted for him. I would like Viktor Fedorovych to become aware of his responsibility in his new status, that his mission may pave the way for the consolidation of this nation.
“He shouldn’t ingratiate himself with anyone in dealing with issues that can bring disgrace to this nation:
I mean two [official] languages in one country, four confessions in one country, six versions of history in one country. All these are cock-and-bull stories. Such a project would be tantamount to losing our state.
“I didn’t vote for Yanukovych,
I can’t be responsible for his election.
I warned my nation [against this choice] hundreds of times even during the first round. For me Tymoshenko and Yanukovych are the same kind of challenge. Tymoshenko and Yanukovych are birds of a feather, even if viewed at different angles.
“Even if this wasn’t my choice,
I will make every effort to legitimately protect the results of the election as established by the court and the Central Election Committee.
“The trouble about what has happened is that our children will have to start from scratch. Well, Hryhorii Skovoroda said, ‘The biggest loss in life is the loss of time.’ We have lost this value.
POST-PRESIDENCY PLANS
“Speaking of my nearest plans, I want to have a ten-day timeout, starting on February 25. There are various options; my children want this, my wife wants that, but I have my own dream that’s different. Anyway,
I want to spend these ten days with them.
“With regard to long-range plans, I intend to take part in several national projects, particularly as the self-appointed chairman of the supervisory board of Art Arsenal. This would be indecorous, tactless, but I don’t want to see one of the unique projects go down the drain.
“I’m not worried about my ratings. I have a good diploma and a good service record. I have professions where
I can realize my potential.”
YANUKOVYCH AND TYMOSHENKO
“In the first round I competed with Tymoshenko rather than Yanukovych. I’m absolutely convinced that Tymoshenko cuts the most politically dependent figure. Well, that’s her story. And yes, she depends on the Russian side. Competing Yanukovych was a matter of the second round.
“I’m convinced that Tymoshenko and Yanukovych leading in the runoff is the best Russian project dating from 1991. If Yanukovych offers Tymoshenko premiership today, tomorrow, before the evening, the results of the election of Yanukovych as President will be recognized, all trial cases closed, and the two will live happily ever after. These politicians have the same objective: being in power.
P.S.: “What’s the difference between a field mouse and Mickey Mouse? It’s publicity campaign.” That was how President Yushchenko assessed Yulia Tymoshenko premiership. He refrained from assessing his presidency and Yanukovych’s premiership (2006).
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