Speaker of the Moldovan parliament Yevgeniya OSTAPCHUK continues to be a dark horse for politicians and the common people alike, both inside and outside Moldova. She is not rich and her home in Soroky several hundred meters from the Moldova-Ukraine border looks like any other in the town. Her husband is a Ukrainian, a printer by profession, and a member of the Communist Party. She grew up in a Ukrainian village near Soroky and earned her degree in economics and trade from a Moscow university like , incidentally, President Voronin. She began her career in trade, then became a party organizer and member of the district Communist Party committee. Working in a ministry in Chisinau, she was one of the creators of Moldova’s unusual Communist Party and views herself as a staunch Communist, saying, however, that her Communism is of a different kind and is based on the realities of life. Given her party affiliation, Speaker Ostapchuk maintains not bad relations with her ideological opponents. Her top priority is fighting crime, something she became strongly involved in after the tragic death of her son. Much of what she says may seem controversial but there is no denying that she is genuine in her beliefs.
Ms. Ostapchuk, what are you in the first place?
A Communist. I am the speaker of this parliament and implement the decisions put forward by my fraction. Thus, I view my job as part of the general mandate given by voters to the Communists.
It’s in my nature to give much more commitment to my public life than to personal matters. I want to help people, maybe due to my personal loss, I want to help my people very much in combating corruption and crime, something which caused the death of my son. I perceive my activities as a kind of retaliation.
Ms. Ostapchuk, who is running the store in Moldova, the President or you, the Speaker of parliament? On the one hand, you have a parliamentary republic, while on the other, he is the chairman of your party.
We are lucky in that all the three branches of power in Moldova are unanimous. But I would not say that we have already created a parliamentary republic here. We have just taken first steps by altering the Constitution and electing our president in the legislature. There are many more steps we have not yet taken. With our party chairman becoming president, we shall focus upon socioeconomic issues, working in harness, rather than interfering with each other.
In the past, Mr. Voronin declared he is opposed to the post of president. Is he still of the same opinion?
No. Originally, we were soft on the idea that one person should combine the posts of prime minister and president. For the time being, we have built a tiny bridge by introducing a transition period. But the whole idea remains on our agenda.
As part of their election program, Moldovan Communists promised to hold important referendums. Is this issue still on your agenda?
Yes, it is. All the issues — administrative and territorial division, retirement age, and the status of Russian as a second state language — are still on our agenda. But we will do our best not to provoke our opponents while enacting new and amending old laws. We will widely publicize our policy and implement our program. Otherwise, we will betray the expectations of our voters and this is the gravest sin one can commit.
Are you the same brand of Communists? After you came to power many were surprised that you did not start a battle against private capital, instead pledging to maintain close links with Western financial organizations.
Our party program and statutes are based on the realities of life. We declared that we recognize all forms of ownership which do not exploit people. This rallied voters around our election program.
What state forms of control are you going to enact as laws?
The sell-off of state property must be transparent and broadcast on television, with the amounts of initial and subsequent statutory capitals stated openly along with other data. Two- thirds of Moldovan enterprises are idle because the law on joint-stock companies is not enforced. The state must control all this without infringing on the rights of businesses.
Is there a chance that in the future you will become a Socialist Democratic party?
Why should we? We will carry on as a Communist Party. If there is a need to alter our program, we will call a congress and alter it based on real- life circumstances. Let the party be called Communist. It will never again be a part of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. We will remain the Communist Party of Moldova with our own program and statutes.
There are some in your party who are vocal in demanding to renew the monument to Lenin.
Yes, there are some, and it is a natural desire. But the Lenin monuments should be renewed when we become sure that people will bring flowers to it.
You declared that Moldova wants to join the union of Russia and Belarus. Being basically a capitalist economy, Russia will hardly turn back to Communism in the nearest future. When Lenin monuments are renewed in Moldova and people accept Communist ideology, how will you explain that Moldova is going to be in the same union with such so-called sharks of capitalism?
First, we have declared that we are entering an economic, not political, union. Second, Lenin monuments are not so much politics as our history. Imagine that you are giving a tour of the city to your son or daughter, telling them this is Lenin, he was the ruler in such and such period and advocated Communist ideology. Another monument is to a democrat, still another to a Russian tsar. I see no politics here, this is our past and present.
Is your parliament ready to ratify a state border agreement between our countries?
I hope so. I believe the issue could be solved as early as before the parliament recess. Unless there is no delay in the Ukrainian parliament to ratify a synchronous agreement recognizing our property in Ukraine.
Igor Smirnov says he will strongly oppose the withdrawal of the Russian troops from the Transnistria region. Official Chisinau supports withdrawal by 2002, which is in line with the Istanbul agreements. How are you going to tackle the issue in parliament?
With regard to Transnistria, we would like all earlier agreements to be forgotten. We would like Marakutsa and Ostapchuk to sit at the table of negotiations and say, for instance, “let’s prepare a totally different document in which we will specify the targets of both sides based on a common goal — a united country, the Republic of Moldova, with a united territory, one president, etc.”
In the last two months, the approaches to the issue of Transnistria have been more productive than at any time since 1992.
Recently we heard Igor Smirnov’s demands that Moldova apologize to Transnistria for its aggression and even pay some compensation for the war of 1992. Are you going to debate these issues in parliament and adopt such serious decisions?
We want to adopt a major document on the status of Transnistria. If it is adopted, we will start dealing with the issues one by one. Speaking about Smirnov, he is no big deal for Moldova, recognized as illegal as he is. For this reason, and with the assistance from Ukraine (a guarantor country) and Russia, we do want to remind Smirnov and other leaders of the so- called Transnistria each time we meet with them that it is crucial to identify their status, first and foremost. Provided they receive some status, then such a document can be discussed by parliament. However, we must clarify first who is to blame, who started to fuel the conflict and then debate the issue in parliament. Following this, we will know who is to apologize to whom. Not merely to apologize but also to be held accountable!
