Viktor Yanukovych, governor of Donetsk oblast, became the tenth Premier of Independent Ukraine, on November 21, with 234 ayes out of 237 deputies (two abstained).
In addition to stated support from the nine, Yanukovych received votes from 12 of 16 independent deputies, including Our Ukraine’s Oleksandr Omelchenko (son of Kyiv Mayor Oleksandr Omelchenko) and the Socialist Serhiy Kiroyants.
The rest of OU, Socialist, Communist, and Yuliya Tymoshenko’s people in parliament took no part in the vote.
In other words, contrary to all those skeptical forecasts about the parliamentary majority being in full strength that Monday and none appearing on Thursday, that the majority (232) did play its role, proving it exists, especially when it came to allocating portfolios. Interfax Ukraine quotes President Leonid Kuchma as saying, when signing the edict appointing Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine’s next premier, that “parliament did a very good thing by supporting the candidacy. This is evidence that we do have a parliamentary majority and that it must be cemented.” His Press Secretary Olena Hromnytska later said the head of state voiced his satisfaction with the majority’s concerted action when voting on Yanukovych, and that he hoped that this marked the beginning of balanced cooperation between the cabinet and Verkhovna Rada.
However, the opposition also saved face under the circumstances. In other words, the procedures of approving the new head of government was for the Ukrainian parliament another majority-opposition viability test. In fact, this is probably what makes that Thursday’s intrigue.
Viktor Yanukovych started his program speech by pointing out that “there is no alternative to the European choice,” but that “for the time being we will remain a country with a low living standard.” He urged the lawmakers to join hands with government to form an “effective legislative management,” stressing that “democracy is an effective method of administration.” Mr. Yanukovych stated that the parliamentary-presidential system “has made its name in Europe, proving its strength, reliability, and viability as an effective form of government.” He also said he hoped there would be “fresh blood” in the system of state administration. In a word, he did his best to measure up as an “experienced manager,” courtesy of his image-makers.
Viktor Yanukovych listed measures to combat poverty, healthcare reform, and boosting the most important industries and small and medium business among his legislative and executive priorities, along with an effort to upgrade regional policy and carry out the tax reform, this being “the only way to lead a giant sector of the economy out of the shadow. Compared to the Russian tax structure, ours is an anachronism.” In conclusion, he was careful to thank the previous cabinets, President Leonid Kuchma, and Verkhovna Rada for their confidence and support. “No matter what happens afterward, I will remember this day for the rest of my life,” he said.
The new premier and the president’s permanent representative in the parliament Oleksandr Zadorozhny agreed that the new cabinet should be formed by Thursday November 28. Viktor Yanukovych made an agreement with the majority factions last. Wednesday, whereby the coalition government portfolios would be allocated pro rata the factions’, groups, and unaffiliated deputies representation in the parliamentary majority. The only exceptions would be the posts of the ministers of the Internal Affairs, Foreign Affairs, and Justice. Mr. Zadorozhny said that a total of eleven portfolios would have to be allocated, yet a number of experts believe that the list may well include vice governors [i.e., deputies to the heads of regional state administrations].
It is already known that vice premiership is claimed by the groups Democratic Initiatives, Power of the People (Narodovliaddia, campaigning for their leader Bohdan Hubsky), and the NDP faction (with their ex-premier, Valery Pustovoitenko). Yet this list could be made longer; an informed source insists that that the post was promised to eight (sic) factions during the consultations. Naturally, there can’t be eight vice premiers, yet the said source points out that this will not cause the majority to show any kind of protest; those that will not get the coveted post will be secured ample compensation “in other ways.” Viktor Yanukovych’s parent faction, Regions of Ukraine, appears to show a keen interest in retaining the posts of the Minister of Finance (Ihor Yushko), that of the Fuel and Energy Complex (Vitaly Haiduk), Vice Premier for Humanitarian Policy Volodymyr Semynozhenko, leader of the Party of the Regions, and that they are also after Minister of Economy’s portfolio. Other factions believe, however, that the Regions’ enormous appetite will not be satiated in full. The Narodovladdia, in addition to the first vice premier’s, covet the seats in the fuel-energy complex, emergency management, and agriculture. The Farmers’ Party’s faction will not part with Leonid Kozachenko’s agroindustrial complex vice premiership or Serhiy Ryzhuk’s agrarian policy portfolio. Few doubt that the United Socialist Democrat Vasyl Kremen will remain Minister of Education. In contrast, the Green Party’s Serhiy Kurykin will most likely have to step down as Minister of Ecology. As for Labor Ukraine, the largest parliamentary majority faction representing the Party of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, they will campaign for Serhiy Tyhypko as the next Governor of the National Bank of Ukraine, and for their people to head the ministries of emergency management, transport, and maybe even the ministry of industrial or social policy. Without doubt, there is the threat of the Donetsk financial-political group holding an executive monopoly. On the other hand, the new premier has a good chance to come out with a pleasant surprise for both his exponents and opponents, balancing the development of the national market, privatization, and legalizing things in the west of Ukraine — something a politician operating on a nationwide scope could do well with. Last but not least, he could work on his Ukrainian, because his current command of the official language leaves much to be desired.
