Viktor Yushchenko took precisely a week in responding to Volodymyr Lytvyn’s statement that For a United Ukraine is prepared to serve as the nucleus of the future parliamentary majority. His response came at a meeting of Our Ukraine deputies at the Kiev-Mohyla Academy on April 17. If anything, it was evidence that the process of forming the majority is even more ambiguous today than yesterday.
According to the Our Ukraine leader, the bloc is faced primarily with the issue of “positioning itself with regard to the regime and determining its place in the parliament.” Considering the sharp tone of some announcements made by Mr. Yushchenko at the meeting, the impression is that his bloc has taken its stand and no drifting toward the powers that be is anticipated at present. In an uncharacteristically categorical manner, the Our Ukraine leader declared that the regime is “actually holding elections without the electorate, playing the game by its own rules, appointing the majority, herding deputies together, shoving the majority nominees into the party of power,” and so on. He believes that this position of the authorities is a “logical sequel to the lawlessness demonstrated by the regime during the election campaign... The regime has actually come out against society.” Mr. Yushchenko pointed out that the regime pressured his bloc and the political and public organizations supporting him during the campaign, as it did business people and the federation of trade unions, led by Oleksandr Stoyan (No. 2 on the Our Ukraine list). In fact, his bloc intends to initiate proceedings to oust seventeen governors who committed mass breaches of the election law, stressed its leader.
In view of recent media allegations about the meeting with the president after Viktor Yushchenko returns from his vacation, his reproachful remarks addressing the head of state look rather symptomatic. Among other things, Mr. Yushchenko stressed that the president, “instead of guaranteeing observance of the election law, turned into an active campaigner, openly backing For a United Ukraine (ZaYedU)... Long before the elections, the head of state appointed the parliamentary majority, allowing the head of his administration to come out with statements concerning the president’s political affiliation.” Mr. Yushchenko further criticized the “pie-in-the-sky promises” made by the “party of power” during the election campaign, including higher pensions and lower consumer prices.
Simultaneously, he echoed Roman Bezsmertny’s statement that it was necessary to sign a trilateral agreement between the parliamentary majority, majority-formed cabinet, and president, concerning a “system of mutual guarantees and responsibility.”
Mr. Yushchenko feels sure that Our Ukraine must be the nucleus of the future majority, being the “winner of the 2002 elections,” whose program was “supported by millions of Ukrainians.” Otherwise “the future political scenario” could turn out to be “pessimistic.”
Despite his proud assurances that Our Ukraine will not let itself be “drawn into a banal haggling about portfolios,” the bloc has actually put forth the first ultimatum concerning those very portfolios. One of its leaders, Viktor Pynzenyk, believes that the bloc must claim not only Yushchenko as premier, but also accords (including amendments to the constitution) that will not allow ousting the premier without parliament’s consent. “We don’t want to have a premier that can be fired in three months,” Mr. Pynzenyk declared. In case Yushchenko does not become premier, Viktor Pynzenyk stressed, “the place of Our Ukraine will be determined by itself.” When asked by journalists whether it meant opposition, he replied, according to Interfax Ukraine, “You have said the word, but it tallies with what I have in mind.”
However, at a press conference after the meeting, Viktor Yushchenko was not as unequivocal on the subject of possible allies. “I’m holding consultations with the leaders of all blocs that surmounted the 4% barrier,” he said, adding, “I do not rule out the possibility of cooperation with political forces realizing the need to unite.” He admitted, however, that there are forces determined to “keep the Ukrainian political domain profoundly diversified.” Mr. Yushchenko did not deny that talks are underway with ZaYedU, but said it was hard to foresee the outcome, noting that he does not believe in “alliances of political forces taking different stands.”
The Our Ukraine leader avoided a straight answer when asked about the impeachment project, saying that “it is not a top priority of the fraction today.” What he did see as a top priority, along with forming the majority, was the possibility of holding presidential elections on a proportional basis.
One thing is obvious now. Whatever factors, external or internal, may have caused the toughening of Yushchenko’s stand, building a majority according to the format proposed by ZaYedU is easier said than done. In any case, the Our Ukraine leadership’s sharp comments on April 17 serve as additional proof that they will want nothing but the best before agreeing to a compromise.
COMMENTARY
Mykhailo POHREBYNSKY, political analyst:
I believe that everything said by Yushchenko has to be approached from the standpoint of the audience. That audience was made up of deputies rallied under Yushchenko’s standard. Actually, what he said April 17 is the context in which the entire Our Ukraine campaign was kept. There is no telling whether Yushchenko will behave that way when left face to face with the president in his office. It was paving the way for the natural course events would take. Viktor Yushchenko’s first aim is at cooperation and a possibility to distance himself from the regime, should his demands be refused. And they will, because it is clear even now that he will not get the premier’s seat and no other post will suit him. It is just that Yushchenko does not want to end up asking for something and being refused it. I think it was normal political maneuvering.
