It is common knowledge that, as a key country, Germany shapes the European Union’s policies. It is Berlin that persuaded Ukraine to sign the Minsk agreements. And, since decisions of German politicians, including Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel, depend to a large extent on civil society’s attitudes, this raises the question of what is the current idea and perception of Ukraine in Germany. No less important is Germany’s awareness of its historical guilt towards not only Russia, but also Ukraine which suffered enormous losses and ruination in World War Two. This was the beginning of an interview with Minister-Counselor Anka Feldhusen, the Permanent Deputy Ambassador of Germany to Ukraine.
Mrs. Feldhusen, since former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych’s refusal to sign Association Agreement with European Union lead to protests on Maidan, Ukraine is an omnipresent topic in German public. Which changes can be noticed concerning Ukrainian’s contemporary presentation and perception in Germany?
“The perception of Ukraine is not finally shaped. But it is obvious, that its image has changed in the German public: Just a couple of years ago, Ukraine was basically seen as just a ‘former Soviet Republic’ among many Germans. Knowledge about Ukraine was rare in general. Both in science and media, interest in Eastern Europe had diminished since 1991, as it was expected that our relations with this region in the future would be rather stable and with no special need for this expertise. German media withdraw correspondents from Kyiv and covered Ukraine from offices in Moscow or Warsaw. 2013 then proved these expectations wrong. Now first reactions with regard to this development take place.”
Could you please concretize such reactions?
“Of course German media focuses much more on Ukraine now. Yet there aren’t any new correspondent offices created in Kyiv, but media outlets started to send Journalists on base of long term rotation to Ukraine. In the sphere of science, our universities rediscover their expertise on East Europe and set up new projects to put more emphasis on Ukraine in their curricula. As well, the number of bilateral cooperation projects increases. The Federal Republic of Germany increased the budgets for exchange programs and scholarships. The Federal Government initiated a new research institute concerning Russia and Eastern Europe that will be founded in reaction to the crisis. Once Germans were experts on East Europe and we will make strong efforts to become such experts once again. And this will include Ukraine.”
But are there any noticeable results of those efforts today?
“Concerning coverage in our media I can say, that knowledge about the events in Ukraine and their background quickly improved. In general, our main papers and broadcasting channels report in depth about Ukraine, facts and opinions are well elaborated. Whoever in Germany wants to know what really happens today in Ukraine – including the role Russia plays in the military conflict in Ukraine – has such possibilities.”
But despite these possibilities a large number of Germans seem to believe that Ukraine today witnesses not a Russian aggression, but a justifiable try of Moscow to defend itself from an enlarged NATO. Many claim that Maidan basically was a fascist coup with Western support; people in Donbas would only try to defend themselves against russophobic Banderaites. Where is the effect of well informed media coverage in this regard?
“It is a fact that the in-depth coverage of established media in Germany has to face unbelievable efforts of Russian propaganda to obtain prerogative of interpretation in this conflict. There are versions and rumors spread, which contradict all our experiences and information. Especially in social media we see a huge impact of such influence. It may be a problem that information spread in such channels explains a difficult conflict much easier than page filling analyzes in newspapers or magazines and therefore is more pleasant among consumers. It’s often a lack of knowledge and information that makes people believe those common places of Russian propaganda. We must try to respond to that but not by creating propaganda as well, but by telling the facts. In many talks I experienced, that people would change their mind if you confront them with facts and substantial arguments. Then they start to reconsider common stereotypes and explanations. For example, many tend to justify occupation of Crimea by claiming, it has been Russian for centuries. Just ask them, what they would think if Germany today decides to occupy for such reasons Alsace-Lorraine [eastern province of France that for centuries was part of the German Empire. – Author] or France the Saarland.”
But even without Russian propaganda, many Germans anyway would hesitate to accuse Russia for its aggression. Why Germany in general tends to be so careful and indulgent to name things clearly?
“There’s of course a huge consensus in German society that, after crimes committed by our country in World War Two, we have to feel guilty and responsible towards Russia. No doubt this is right, but only now there is a slowly growing awareness, that not just Russia became a victim of German cruelty, but the whole Soviet Union, which would include other countries like Ukraine or Belarus. As Timothy Snyder proved in his book Bloodlands, the main battlegrounds of WWII on the Eastern front are to be found in Ukraine and Belarus and both nations lost millions of lives not only among soldiers but as well among civilians. We have to recognize that we have to show responsibility towards more than one country. Our historical guilt towards Russia does not diminish because of its role in the conflict with Ukraine. It’s a difficult task to separate contemporary policy towards Russia from our culture of commemoration. Many Germans perceive this as a step back from responsibility. Here we have to work on a more differentiated approach. That just takes time.”
But not only society hesitates to name Russia an aggressor. As well German politicians refuse to call things by their names. Why this indulgence?
“We should be careful here with terminology. There’s no war declared, no state of war in Ukraine was proclaimed, so German government of course will not take a first step here. But Germany is very well aware of the roles played by the different actors in the conflict in Eastern Ukraine.”
And which further steps German government would consider, if Minsk 2 would fail? Where is the red line for German government to think about more drastic actions?
“We’re of course hoping that the Minsk process won’t fail. There is still fighting in Donbas and people die, the ceasefire remains fragile. But there are a lot less victims than in January and the beginning of February 2015. This said, an attack on territory controlled by Ukraine would certainly trigger an escalation in EU and US sanctions against Russia.”
What else than sanctions the West has to offer for supporting Ukraine?
“Sanctions are our main means of reaction. We are convinced that they are the right way to show Russia, that its policy towards Ukraine won’t be accepted. The impact of sanctions on Russia, coinciding with the low oil price, creates pressure on the Russian economy and we hope that this will influence Russian decision makers.”
Nevertheless, many Ukrainians expect more help from Europe. But after Merkel’s recent declaration in Riga on summit of Eastern Partnership now it even appears, as if Ukraine’s European perspective got rather uncertain. Aren’t you afraid, that Ukrainians could retreat in disappointment?
“I think many people who really deal with program of the Eastern Partnership knew that it wouldn’t lead straight to membership in the European Union. Those Ukrainians involved in this progress know this, too. Many misleading expectations have been raised in public and of course, since Euromaidan a lot of things changed dramatically. But Eastern Partnership was built to lead those six participating countries to standards and norms which at one point in time would allow them to apply for membership of EU with a real chance of success – if they decided to apply for membership, of course. The Ukrainian people voted impressively for such a direction, but the country has only just begun to conceive and implement reforms leading to EU standards. Fight against corruption, modernization of the civil service or the judiciary are just a few examples. But the EU as well as Germany do a lot to support Ukraine in its endeavors. Besides big government programs like the credit guarantee in the amount of 500 million euros and projects of technical cooperation and humanitarian aid, the Federal Foreign Office has increased its financial support for civil society, trying to strengthen it and to encourage people to take part in the development of democratic structures.”
But what about visa liberalization and freedom of movement to EU? Many Ukrainians expected to have free access to Europe after signing the Association Agreement.
“It’s just a matter of time and I think, there’s already light at the end of the tunnel. With the Visa Liberalization Action Plan of 2010 there was no political question about the issue any longer, but it became a very technical one: EU standards in documents and data protection, in migration and fight against corruption, to name just a few, had to be adjusted and that takes time. The EU is in some ways a rather technical institution, much more technical than people in Ukraine may expect. So, it takes a while. But when this process ends, visa liberalization will come. The political decision on this was taken years ago.”
Critical voices often mention that free access of European goods to Ukrainian market will ruin economy in Ukraine, because Ukrainian products can not compete with such from EU…
“But this is not true. We have serious economic studies which forecast that after four or five years Ukraine’s gross domestic product would show notable growth due to free trade with EU. Of course, some business sectors in Ukraine will come into trouble and some will not be able to compete. But in others, Ukraine still has a lot of undeveloped potentials, for example in agriculture and others as well. To me it appears, a lot of Ukrainians are just waiting for such possibility to realize new ideas and potentials. Free trade with EU therefore may be a real stimulus for them to take action. So, we are convinced it will become an advantage for Ukraine.”
